Turkish nationalism threatens Christians

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By: WEA RLC Principal Researcher and Writer, Elizabeth Kendal

This posting aims to give some degree of understanding the phenomenon of
Turkish nationalism, its relationship to the persecution of Christians and the
immense difficulties facing those hoping to secure justice and security for
Christians through the Malatya murder trial. Turkey has only around 100,000
Christians left, making up less than one percent of the population.


After World War One, all the Turks retained of the once expansive Ottoman
Empire was Anatolia and Istanbul (Constantinople). Through the Treaty of
Sevres (1920) the Allies sought to protect Christian minorities by placing
most of Anatolia under Christian control: the Greeks occupied the west and the
Allies (British, French and Italian) occupied the south, while the Armenian
remnant declared an independent republic in the east. Moreover, the Turks were
also supposed to grant autonomy to Kurdistan.

Under the leadership of military commander Kemal Mustapha Ataturk, Turkish
nationalist forces in Anatolia, rejecting the conditions of the Treaty of
Sevres, mounted a War of Independence. They fought and defeated the Greeks in
the west and drove the Allied forces out of the south. They also drove the
Armenian remnant out of their Armenian Republic in the east. Ataturk thus
forced the Allies to return to the negotiating table. With the Treaty of
Lausanne (1923), the modern state of Turkey was founded to be the successor
state to the Ottoman Empire. The borders were set and the security of remnant
minorities was to be guaranteed. Ataturk became Turkey's first president.

Thus Turkish nationalism rose from the ashes of the decimated Ottoman Empire
and became established through the subsequent War of Independence. Turkish
nationalism was born through Turkish struggles against Christian nations, both
indigenous minorities and great foreign powers.

After becoming president, Aaturk committed himself to reforming, secularising
and modernising Turkey. He imposed a program of secularisation that repressed
Islam by force, liberating and enlightening multitudes (especially women and
intellectuals) but confounding others, in particular observant Muslims. But
whilst Ataturk felled the tree of Islam, cutting off its expression, he did
not deal with the life-force within its roots, something he could have done
had he facilitated an open and honest examination of Ottoman history and the
Islamic ideology that drove it. Islamic expression was repressed, but Islamic
ideology was spared. Consequently, as repression gradually lessened from the
1950s onwards, Islam slowly grew again, increasing in strength through
subsequent generations.


People interpret history differently. The abusive master and the downtrodden
slave view life on the plantation from quite different perspectives, just as
high caste Brahmins and "untouchable" Dalits have conflicting views of life in
Hindu India. In each case, the former boasts from their elevated position of a
wonderful existence with prosperity and opportunity. The latter, at whose
expense this prosperity and elevation was gained, has a rather different view.
Furthermore, the former may expect the latter to appreciate the way they have
been tolerated or let live, while the latter simply longs for liberty and
equality. It is the same with Muslims and dhimmis, that is Jews and Christians
subjugated under Islamic domination and rule.

Just because people see history differently does not mean that objective truth
does not exist -- it does. Wilberforce revealed the shameful truth of slavery
to the consciences of the British and the truth set multitudes free.

Muslims tend to interpret history though the prism of their Islamic ideology
of Muslim superiority and the perfection of Sharia (Allah's perfect law).
According to Islam, jihad for the advance of Islam and the implementation of
Sharia results in perfect peace, harmony and security. Muslims therefore speak
of Islamic Empire as something glorious and benevolent, while they either
repress or do not see that the defeated, subjugated peoples had a rather
different view. These peoples' lands had been invaded, conquered, occupied and
colonised. The conquered peoples were stripped of their rights, disarmed,
subjugated, exploited, heavily taxed of money and sons, persecuted and
repressed. These were Christian peoples -- Greeks, Serbs, Armenians,
Bulgarians, to name a few -- proud, ancient Christian cultures and nations
that centuries of Islamic domination reduced to traumatised serfs or slaves.

As post-Reformation Europe rose through liberty and industry, the Ottoman
Empire declined through endemic corruption and poor governance. As the Empire
weakened, the long-subjugated Christian nations rose up, fought and liberated
their people, lands and culture from the Ottoman Muslim yoke.

However, when Turkish Muslims look at the same events they conclude that all
history proves is that acquiescing to Western demands is fatal and that
Christians are an existential threat to the security and territorial integrity
of the Turkish nation.

Salim Cohce is a professor of history and sociology at the state-run Inonu
University in Malatya. He believes that missionaries working in Turkey are
focusing on "destabilisation, manipulation and propaganda" and concludes, "If
they are not controlled, this can be dangerous for Turkey." (Link 1)

As long as the truth of history is subservient to myth and "insulting
Turkishness" remains a crime, then Turkey's Christians will have trouble as
they will have to continue to bear the burden of Islamised history. Peace and
reconciliation are the end products of a process that commences with truth and
progresses through confession, repentance and forgiveness. There can be no
peace and reconciliation without truth.


The US-led invasion of Iraq and the overthrow of Saddam's regime put Iraq "in
play", not only for pan-Islamists and Shi'ites, but also for pan-Turkists who
would like to see an autonomous Turkman entity in Northern Iraq. At least 2.5
million ethnic Turkmen live in Iraq in a corridor that runs from the Turkish
border south through Mosul and Kirkuk. It is a strip of land that also
includes the bulk of Iraq's northern oilfields and the country's main oil
pipelines. Consequentially, pan-Islamism and pan-Turkism have escalated
dramatically since the drums of war started beating in mid-2002.

Pan-Turkist aspirations for northern Iraq have more to do with Turkish
nationalism than irredentism or imperialism. When the Ottoman Turks and the
British signed an armistice on 31 October 1918, the Ottoman Turks still
occupied the vilayet (province) of Mosul. At the time, Mesopotamia (Iraq) was
part of the Ottoman Empire and was divided into three vilayets: Basra (Arab
Shi'ite), Baghdad (Arab Sunni) and Mosul (ethnically and religiously mixed).
The British had captured Basra and Baghdad, but they had their sights sets on
oil-rich Kirkuk. Within 48 hours of the armistice, Mesopotamian commander in
chief William Marshall gave the order to take Mosul, and so the British forces
pushed on and drove the Ottoman forces out of Mosul in violation of the
ceasefire. Days later the war ended and in the words of Edwin Black, "The
shooting stopped. The shouting would now begin." (Link 2)

Turkish nationalism is further provoked by the aspirations of US-backed Iraqi
Kurds. For one thing, the territorial claims of Iraqi Kurds and Iraqi Turkmen
overlap, most notably their common claim to oil-rich Kirkuk. Further to that,
the prospect of autonomy for Iraqi Kurds is motivating Turkey's Kurds to step
up their fight for autonomy or an independent Kurdistan, both of which would
involve the partition of Turkey. Kurds, who make up more than 20 percent of
the population of Turkey, are concentrated in south-east Anatolia. Terrorism
from the Kurdish Workers Party (PKK: a Kurdish separatist terror group) has
dramatically escalated recently causing Turkish nationalism to soar. It adds
to Turkish angst that the PKK are proving to be "better capable of defence
than hitherto believed". (Gregory Copley, International Strategic Studies
Association, Defense & Foreign Affairs Strategic Policy 10, 2007)

The problem being, that one integral element of Turkish nationalism is a deep
suspicion and fear of Christians and ethnic minorities that borders on
paranoia. Turkish nationalism deems Christians to be an existential threat.
As Turkish nationalism rises, so too does persecution of Christians.


This environment of escalating Turkish nationalist and Islamic zeal is not the
ideal environment for a trial that is supposed to deliver justice for three
martyred Christians -- Necati Aydin, Ugur Yuksel and Tilmann Geske -- who were
tortured and murdered by Muslim Turkish nationalists in Zirve Publishing House
in Malatya, Southern Turkey on 18 April 2007.

Compass Direct reports that after six months of investigations, criminal
prosecutors charged Emre Gunaydin, Abuzer Yildirim, Hamit Ceker, Cuma Ozdemir
and Salih Guler of founding an armed group and murdering Necati Aydin and Ugur
Yuksel and Tilmann Geske in a deliberate and organised manner. (Link 3)

According to Compass Direct, when the Turkish press reported the 23 November
trial date, they did so in articles that sensationalised some of the
scandalous allegations that the professed killers made during their
interrogations, include that the Christians were linked with the PKK and were
forcing local girls into prostitution. Compass reports: "Sabah newspaper's
headline quoted Emre Gunaydin, the alleged ringleader of the five killers, as
saying, 'We committed murder out of fear they would harm our families.'" (Link 3)

Isa Karatas, a spokesperson for the Alliance of Protestant Churches in Turkey
told Compass, "These people want to portray Turkey's Protestants as enemies of
the nation. [And] because honour is such an important concept in our culture,
they are trying to accuse us of having weak morals, so that they can find a
justification for their murders." (Link 3)

The trial commenced on 23 November, but as Compass Direct reports: "At the
request of the murderers' defence team of lawyers, who declared they had not
had sufficient time to examine the prosecution files and prepare the accused
suspects to testify, the court adjourned the hearing until 14 January 2008."
(Link 4)

Lawyers working on behalf of the victim's families have expressed outrage at
the direction the investigations have taken. Of the 31 files the prosecutors
assembled for the case, 15 give only limited information on the five murderers
and their crime, while 16 files give detailed information on the three
Christian "missionaries" and their "missionary activity".

Compass reports: "According to one lawyer quoted by Milliyet newspaper on
November 20, this 'irrelevant' information looked like an indirect effort by
the chief prosecutor 'to reduce the charges by making the victims' attempts to
spread their religion look like 'provocation'." (Link 4)

Independent Turkish media network Bianet commented on the "biased reporting"
noting: "There has been a dangerous shift of focus in news reports on the
trial." (Link 5)

Bianet notes that the media, instead of focusing on the horrendous crime of
torture and murder, focused on the Christians with the implication that their
"missionary activities" provided some justification for their murder. Then, in
the days before the trial opened, the media shifted its attention to the
plaintiffs' attorneys, alleging that "among the lawyers there are some who
have defended militants of the PKK terrorist organisation before".

Bianet reports that the Turkish media has published "the names of all the
lawyers joining the hearing, together with the names of those whom they had
defended before. There is thus a dangerous shift of focus from the presumed
perpetrators of a crime to conspiracy theories linking Christian missionaries
and PKK activities."

Orhan Kemal Cengiz, the legal representative of the Alliance of Turkish
Protestant Churches, is a lawyer for the plaintiffs. He wrote a powerful
column "What is going on in the Malatya massacre case?" which was published in
the Turkish Daily News on 22 November. (Link 6)

Cengiz laments the sloppy work of the prosecutors who have focused more on the
activities of the victims than of the murderers.

Most seriously, Cengiz complains: "The prosecutor retrieved all documents from
the computers of the victims and put them in the case file as 'evidence'.
Furthermore, these files, which are public now, may lead to new murders
because they include many details on other Protestants who reside in different
parts of Turkey. The addresses, emails, telephones of many other Turkish
Protestants are in the files, which have already been in the hands of the
murderers. The prosecutor failed to make a thorough investigation and he has
also put many other lives in danger."

Cengiz also complains that the murderers were not properly investigated. Their
membership of the ultra-nationalist Nationalist Movement Party (MPH) is noted
in the files but not investigated. The confessed murderers gave conflicting
testimonies, but these were not challenged or investigated. According to
Cengiz, the files lack any details that could implicate others as instigators
or motivators of the crime.

Cengiz notes that while the files cast suspicion over the "missionaries", they
glorify the murderers by publishing letters they wrote to their families where
they explain that they were acting in defence of their homeland.

Cengiz warns: "If state officials keep talking everyday that Turkey is in
imminent danger, that there are internal enemies of this country, that
missionaries are the agents of foreign states who try to break up Turkey and
so on, such horrible crimes are inevitable. If 'internal enemies' such as
missionaries are shown on countless Web pages as legitimate targets, and no
legal action is taken against this mania, we will continue to see new murders,
attacks and slaughters."

Elizabeth Kendal
[email protected]


1) Murders shine spotlight on evangelical activity in Turkey
By Yigal Schleifer, 25 April 2007

2) Book: Banking on Baghdad
Inside Iraq's 7,000-Year History of War, Profit, and Conflict.
By Edwin Black
Wiley 2004

3) Malatya Murder Trial Set to Open in Turkey
Local press sensationalizes killers' justifications for deaths by torture.
Compass Direct, 5 Nov 2007

4) Lawyers Slam Investigation of Malatya Murders in Turkey
Widows of slain Christians speak out at opening day of trial.
Compass Direct, 27 Nov 2007

5) Malatya Murder Case Postponed
There has been a dangerous shift of focus in news reports on the trial.
By Erol Onderoglu and Nilufer Zengin.
Bıa news centre, 26 Nov 2007
Judiciary under international spotlight in the murder of Christians in Malatya
The New Anatolian / Ankara, 26 November 2007
Turks in Christian murder trial. BBC 23 Nov 2007
Five on trial in Turkey for missionary murders
By Nicholas Birch in Istanbul. 24 Nov 2007

6) What is going on in the Malatya massacre case?
By Orhan Kemal Cengiz, 22 November 2007

Forum 18. TURKEY: What causes intolerance and violence? 29 Nov 2007
By Guzide Ceyhan. http://www.forum18.org/Archive.php?article_id=1053

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